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욕지도https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/20/world/europe/putin-xi-russia-china.html?fbclid=IwAR2G_UBXOUxetorS1OXhypkAWdsNirncD-dtdwMM0HiX0Btt7BbEZQiaf6I
Putin and Xi Celebrate Ties Unbroken by Russia’s War in Ukraine
President Vladimir V. Putin welcomed Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, to Russia, briefly noting Beijing’s peace plan for Ukraine but stressing Moscow and Beijing’s enduring partnership.
By Valerie Hopkins, Chris Buckley and Anton Troianovski
Valerie Hopkins reported from Moscow, Chris Buckley from Taipei, Taiwan, and Anton Troianovski from Seoul.
March 20, 2023
5 MIN READ
Leer en español
Standing side by side in a show of partnership unshaken by Russia’s yearlong war in Ukraine, President Vladimir V. Putin and China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, began talks in Moscow on Monday with boasts of their close ties and only understated mention of the conflict itself.
Though the war and the schisms it has exposed hung over the meeting, the public comments about it from Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin were muted, notwithstanding the cascading consequences of the past year, including Western sanctions on Russia, energy crises in Europe and devastation in Ukraine.
Instead, the leaders went to great lengths to flatter each other and project unity in a series of meticulously choreographed events. Mr. Xi is the highest-profile world leader to visit Russia since the invasion, and he arrived for the three-day visit as bloody battles continued in eastern Ukraine and only three days after the Russian leader was cited for war crimes by the International Criminal Court.
The imagery of alliance, in gestures if not a formal treaty, has stoked anxiety in the West that China might go farther than diplomacy or economics in its support for Russia — possibly with weapons for use in Mr. Putin’s war — and entrench a powerful bloc opposed to NATO and the United States.
“Dear friend, welcome to Russia,” Mr. Putin told Mr. Xi, after the Chinese leader was welcomed with a red carpet and a military band.
Mr. Putin told his guest that China was the subject of “envy” because its government had built a “very effective system for developing the economy and strengthening the state.” Mr. Xi expressed “deep gratitude” to Mr. Putin and said he was “sure that the Russian people will certainly continue firmly supporting you,” according to Xinhua.
They sat by a small fireside table, a far more intimate setting than the extremely long room where Mr. Putin held tense meetings with Western leaders before Russia invaded Ukraine.
But behind the display of friendship was a backdrop of hardheaded geopolitics. China and Russia both oppose a global order dominated by the United States and its allies, and that appears to outweigh any objections that Mr. Xi may have about Mr. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken on Monday criticized the visit, saying it amounts to “diplomatic cover for Russia to continue to commit” war crimes. The international court accused Mr. Putin of being responsible for the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children, and Russian forces continue to target civilian areas.
The trip, Mr. Blinken said, “suggests that China feels no responsibility to hold the president accountable for the atrocities committed in Ukraine.”
Mr. Putin, in an article published in People’s Daily, the main newspaper of China’s ruling Communist Party, drew parallels between the threats that he claims Russia faces from the West — which, in his telling, prompted him to invade Ukraine — and Beijing’s security concerns in Asia.
He described cooperation between Russia and China as an essential counterweight to a West that is seeking to dominate not just Eastern Europe but also the Asia-Pacific region, and one that is aiming to “contain the development of our countries.”
“It is Russian-Chinese relations that today practically represent the cornerstone of regional, even global stability,” Mr. Putin wrote.
According to a Chinese summary of their meeting at the Kremlin, Mr. Xi told Mr. Putin: “The majority of countries support easing tensions, advocate peace negotiations and oppose pouring oil on the fire. Historically, conflicts must finally be settled through dialogue and negotiations.”
The cautious remarks were in line with the delicate position China has adopted on the war, sympathizing with Russia’s grievances against Western influence and NATO while calling for talks to end the fighting. In keeping with that ambiguity, Mr. Xi has referred to the fighting in Ukraine as a “crisis” or “conflict,” but not as a war or invasion.
If there was any progress on the most closely watched aspect of the summit — whether Mr. Xi could coax Mr. Putin toward serious peace negotiations — there was no evidence of it at the end of the first day. Mr. Putin said only that Russia had “carefully studied” China’s peace proposals, and would treat them “with respect.”
A White House spokesman, John F. Kirby, said, “We’ll see what they come out of this meeting talking about.” Calling the Beijing-Moscow alliance a “marriage of convenience,” he said that arming Russia would run counter to Mr. Xi’s public pronouncements that China wants peace.
For Mr. Putin, Mr. Xi’s visit is also a chance to smooth over tensions tied to the killings of nine Chinese nationals at a gold mine in the Central African Republic, which Mr. Xi has condemned. There are competing claims about who was responsible, but some blame a Russian mercenary group.
Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin’s talks will continue on Tuesday, when they will be joined by broader delegations of government officials. They also plan to address the news media and hold a state banquet that Russian business leaders will attend.
The two men have met some 40 times since Mr. Xi became national leader, but while they cast the partnership as deeper than ever, the war has disrupted their relations, even as it has deepened Russian dependence on China for trade and diplomatic support.
The war has been a source of instability for Beijing, damaging Chinese ties with European countries. It has also magnified global economic and energy strains at a time when Mr. Xi wants to focus on China’s post-pandemic economic rebuilding.
In recent weeks, Mr. Xi has tried to reassert China’s global role after its self-imposed pandemic isolation. Beijing has cast itself as a potential peace broker, hosting talks that led to a significant agreement this month between Saudi Arabia and Iran and issuing its broadly worded 12-point framework for ending the fighting.
Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, has said he would welcome a chance to speak with Mr. Xi, but it is unclear whether the leaders intend to talk.
China’s foreign minister, Qin Gang, spoke by telephone last week with Ukraine’s foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba, and urged Ukraine and Russia to negotiate. “No matter how big the difficulties and challenges, the door should not close to a political solution,” Mr. Qin told him, according to the Chinese Foreign Ministry.
But there are daunting obstacles.
Mr. Putin, in his article Monday, signaled that Russia would entertain talks only if it retained control of captured territory in Ukraine’s east and south. Ukraine’s government has ruled out ceding territory in exchange for peace.
“The first and main point is the capitulation or withdrawal of the Russian occupation troops,” Oleksiy Danilov, the head of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council, said in a statement on Monday.
Neither Russian nor Ukrainian forces have shown any slowdown in the fighting along the sprawling front. Hundreds of soldiers are dying or wounded daily on each side, military analysts say.
Even if China wants to play a role in ending the bloodshed, Mr. Xi is unlikely to put pressure on Mr. Putin that could jeopardize their wider partnership, many analysts say. Mr. Xi regards Beijing’s bond with Moscow as essential to offsetting American global dominance.
“Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-around containment, encirclement and suppression of China,” he declared in a speech this month.
William Klein, a former U.S. diplomat who was based in Beijing, said the visit to Moscow “is very clearly to demonstrate that China does indeed see Russia as an indispensable strategic partner.”
“Whatever China may think of the war, it sees Russia as a key to creating a counterweight to U.S. pressure,” said Mr. Klein, now a consulting partner for FGS Global. “There shouldn’t be any expectation that China will recalibrate its fundamental interests because of this war.”
Loss of firm Russian support could leave China dangerously exposed, Chinese foreign policy experts have argued, even in the wake of Mr. Putin’s invasion.
Yang Jiemian, a senior foreign policy scholar in Shanghai, wrote in an assessment last month that if “Russia is constantly weakened to the point where it cannot, will not, or dare not struggle against the United States and the West, that will ultimately leave China confronting totally unfavorable strategic circumstances.”
Marc Santora contributed reporting from Kyiv, Ukraine, Ivan Nechepurenko from Tbilisi, Georgia, Olivia Wang from Hong Kong, and Michael Crowley and Katie Rogers from Washington.
Valerie Hopkins is an international correspondent for The Times, covering the war in Ukraine, as well as Russia and the countries of the former Soviet Union. @VALERIEinNYT
Chris Buckley is chief China correspondent and has lived in China for most of the past 30 years after growing up in Sydney, Australia. Before joining The Times in 2012, he was a correspondent in Beijing for Reuters. @ChuBailiang
Anton Troianovski is the Moscow bureau chief for The New York Times. He was previously Moscow bureau chief of The Washington Post and spent nine years with The Wall Street Journal in Berlin and New York. @antontroian
Putin and Xi Celebrate Ties Unbroken by Russia’s War in Ukraine
President Vladimir V. Putin welcomed Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, to Russia, briefly noting Beijing’s peace plan for Ukraine but stressing Moscow and Beijing’s enduring partnership.
By Valerie Hopkins, Chris Buckley and Anton Troianovski
Valerie Hopkins reported from Moscow, Chris Buckley from Taipei, Taiwan, and Anton Troianovski from Seoul.
March 20, 2023
5 MIN READ
Leer en español
Standing side by side in a show of partnership unshaken by Russia’s yearlong war in Ukraine, President Vladimir V. Putin and China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, began talks in Moscow on Monday with boasts of their close ties and only understated mention of the conflict itself.
Though the war and the schisms it has exposed hung over the meeting, the public comments about it from Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin were muted, notwithstanding the cascading consequences of the past year, including Western sanctions on Russia, energy crises in Europe and devastation in Ukraine.
Instead, the leaders went to great lengths to flatter each other and project unity in a series of meticulously choreographed events. Mr. Xi is the highest-profile world leader to visit Russia since the invasion, and he arrived for the three-day visit as bloody battles continued in eastern Ukraine and only three days after the Russian leader was cited for war crimes by the International Criminal Court.
The imagery of alliance, in gestures if not a formal treaty, has stoked anxiety in the West that China might go farther than diplomacy or economics in its support for Russia — possibly with weapons for use in Mr. Putin’s war — and entrench a powerful bloc opposed to NATO and the United States.
“Dear friend, welcome to Russia,” Mr. Putin told Mr. Xi, after the Chinese leader was welcomed with a red carpet and a military band.
Mr. Putin told his guest that China was the subject of “envy” because its government had built a “very effective system for developing the economy and strengthening the state.” Mr. Xi expressed “deep gratitude” to Mr. Putin and said he was “sure that the Russian people will certainly continue firmly supporting you,” according to Xinhua.
They sat by a small fireside table, a far more intimate setting than the extremely long room where Mr. Putin held tense meetings with Western leaders before Russia invaded Ukraine.
But behind the display of friendship was a backdrop of hardheaded geopolitics. China and Russia both oppose a global order dominated by the United States and its allies, and that appears to outweigh any objections that Mr. Xi may have about Mr. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken on Monday criticized the visit, saying it amounts to “diplomatic cover for Russia to continue to commit” war crimes. The international court accused Mr. Putin of being responsible for the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children, and Russian forces continue to target civilian areas.
The trip, Mr. Blinken said, “suggests that China feels no responsibility to hold the president accountable for the atrocities committed in Ukraine.”
Mr. Putin, in an article published in People’s Daily, the main newspaper of China’s ruling Communist Party, drew parallels between the threats that he claims Russia faces from the West — which, in his telling, prompted him to invade Ukraine — and Beijing’s security concerns in Asia.
He described cooperation between Russia and China as an essential counterweight to a West that is seeking to dominate not just Eastern Europe but also the Asia-Pacific region, and one that is aiming to “contain the development of our countries.”
“It is Russian-Chinese relations that today practically represent the cornerstone of regional, even global stability,” Mr. Putin wrote.
According to a Chinese summary of their meeting at the Kremlin, Mr. Xi told Mr. Putin: “The majority of countries support easing tensions, advocate peace negotiations and oppose pouring oil on the fire. Historically, conflicts must finally be settled through dialogue and negotiations.”
The cautious remarks were in line with the delicate position China has adopted on the war, sympathizing with Russia’s grievances against Western influence and NATO while calling for talks to end the fighting. In keeping with that ambiguity, Mr. Xi has referred to the fighting in Ukraine as a “crisis” or “conflict,” but not as a war or invasion.
If there was any progress on the most closely watched aspect of the summit — whether Mr. Xi could coax Mr. Putin toward serious peace negotiations — there was no evidence of it at the end of the first day. Mr. Putin said only that Russia had “carefully studied” China’s peace proposals, and would treat them “with respect.”
A White House spokesman, John F. Kirby, said, “We’ll see what they come out of this meeting talking about.” Calling the Beijing-Moscow alliance a “marriage of convenience,” he said that arming Russia would run counter to Mr. Xi’s public pronouncements that China wants peace.
For Mr. Putin, Mr. Xi’s visit is also a chance to smooth over tensions tied to the killings of nine Chinese nationals at a gold mine in the Central African Republic, which Mr. Xi has condemned. There are competing claims about who was responsible, but some blame a Russian mercenary group.
Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin’s talks will continue on Tuesday, when they will be joined by broader delegations of government officials. They also plan to address the news media and hold a state banquet that Russian business leaders will attend.
The two men have met some 40 times since Mr. Xi became national leader, but while they cast the partnership as deeper than ever, the war has disrupted their relations, even as it has deepened Russian dependence on China for trade and diplomatic support.
The war has been a source of instability for Beijing, damaging Chinese ties with European countries. It has also magnified global economic and energy strains at a time when Mr. Xi wants to focus on China’s post-pandemic economic rebuilding.
In recent weeks, Mr. Xi has tried to reassert China’s global role after its self-imposed pandemic isolation. Beijing has cast itself as a potential peace broker, hosting talks that led to a significant agreement this month between Saudi Arabia and Iran and issuing its broadly worded 12-point framework for ending the fighting.
Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, has said he would welcome a chance to speak with Mr. Xi, but it is unclear whether the leaders intend to talk.
China’s foreign minister, Qin Gang, spoke by telephone last week with Ukraine’s foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba, and urged Ukraine and Russia to negotiate. “No matter how big the difficulties and challenges, the door should not close to a political solution,” Mr. Qin told him, according to the Chinese Foreign Ministry.
But there are daunting obstacles.
Mr. Putin, in his article Monday, signaled that Russia would entertain talks only if it retained control of captured territory in Ukraine’s east and south. Ukraine’s government has ruled out ceding territory in exchange for peace.
“The first and main point is the capitulation or withdrawal of the Russian occupation troops,” Oleksiy Danilov, the head of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council, said in a statement on Monday.
Neither Russian nor Ukrainian forces have shown any slowdown in the fighting along the sprawling front. Hundreds of soldiers are dying or wounded daily on each side, military analysts say.
Even if China wants to play a role in ending the bloodshed, Mr. Xi is unlikely to put pressure on Mr. Putin that could jeopardize their wider partnership, many analysts say. Mr. Xi regards Beijing’s bond with Moscow as essential to offsetting American global dominance.
“Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-around containment, encirclement and suppression of China,” he declared in a speech this month.
William Klein, a former U.S. diplomat who was based in Beijing, said the visit to Moscow “is very clearly to demonstrate that China does indeed see Russia as an indispensable strategic partner.”
“Whatever China may think of the war, it sees Russia as a key to creating a counterweight to U.S. pressure,” said Mr. Klein, now a consulting partner for FGS Global. “There shouldn’t be any expectation that China will recalibrate its fundamental interests because of this war.”
Loss of firm Russian support could leave China dangerously exposed, Chinese foreign policy experts have argued, even in the wake of Mr. Putin’s invasion.
Yang Jiemian, a senior foreign policy scholar in Shanghai, wrote in an assessment last month that if “Russia is constantly weakened to the point where it cannot, will not, or dare not struggle against the United States and the West, that will ultimately leave China confronting totally unfavorable strategic circumstances.”
Marc Santora contributed reporting from Kyiv, Ukraine, Ivan Nechepurenko from Tbilisi, Georgia, Olivia Wang from Hong Kong, and Michael Crowley and Katie Rogers from Washington.
Valerie Hopkins is an international correspondent for The Times, covering the war in Ukraine, as well as Russia and the countries of the former Soviet Union. @VALERIEinNYT
Chris Buckley is chief China correspondent and has lived in China for most of the past 30 years after growing up in Sydney, Australia. Before joining The Times in 2012, he was a correspondent in Beijing for Reuters. @ChuBailiang
Anton Troianovski is the Moscow bureau chief for The New York Times. He was previously Moscow bureau chief of The Washington Post and spent nine years with The Wall Street Journal in Berlin and New York. @antontroian
욕지도https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/20/world/europe/putin-xi-russia-china.html?fbclid=IwAR2G_UBXOUxetorS1OXhypkAWdsNirncD-dtdwMM0HiX0Btt7BbEZQiaf6I
Putin and Xi Celebrate Ties Unbroken by Russia’s War in Ukraine
President Vladimir V. Putin welcomed Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, to Russia, briefly noting Beijing’s peace plan for Ukraine but stressing Moscow and Beijing’s enduring partnership.
By Valerie Hopkins, Chris Buckley and Anton Troianovski
Valerie Hopkins reported from Moscow, Chris Buckley from Taipei, Taiwan, and Anton Troianovski from Seoul.
March 20, 2023
5 MIN READ
Leer en español
Standing side by side in a show of partnership unshaken by Russia’s yearlong war in Ukraine, President Vladimir V. Putin and China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, began talks in Moscow on Monday with boasts of their close ties and only understated mention of the conflict itself.
Though the war and the schisms it has exposed hung over the meeting, the public comments about it from Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin were muted, notwithstanding the cascading consequences of the past year, including Western sanctions on Russia, energy crises in Europe and devastation in Ukraine.
Instead, the leaders went to great lengths to flatter each other and project unity in a series of meticulously choreographed events. Mr. Xi is the highest-profile world leader to visit Russia since the invasion, and he arrived for the three-day visit as bloody battles continued in eastern Ukraine and only three days after the Russian leader was cited for war crimes by the International Criminal Court.
The imagery of alliance, in gestures if not a formal treaty, has stoked anxiety in the West that China might go farther than diplomacy or economics in its support for Russia — possibly with weapons for use in Mr. Putin’s war — and entrench a powerful bloc opposed to NATO and the United States.
“Dear friend, welcome to Russia,” Mr. Putin told Mr. Xi, after the Chinese leader was welcomed with a red carpet and a military band.
Mr. Putin told his guest that China was the subject of “envy” because its government had built a “very effective system for developing the economy and strengthening the state.” Mr. Xi expressed “deep gratitude” to Mr. Putin and said he was “sure that the Russian people will certainly continue firmly supporting you,” according to Xinhua.
They sat by a small fireside table, a far more intimate setting than the extremely long room where Mr. Putin held tense meetings with Western leaders before Russia invaded Ukraine.
But behind the display of friendship was a backdrop of hardheaded geopolitics. China and Russia both oppose a global order dominated by the United States and its allies, and that appears to outweigh any objections that Mr. Xi may have about Mr. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken on Monday criticized the visit, saying it amounts to “diplomatic cover for Russia to continue to commit” war crimes. The international court accused Mr. Putin of being responsible for the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children, and Russian forces continue to target civilian areas.
The trip, Mr. Blinken said, “suggests that China feels no responsibility to hold the president accountable for the atrocities committed in Ukraine.”
Mr. Putin, in an article published in People’s Daily, the main newspaper of China’s ruling Communist Party, drew parallels between the threats that he claims Russia faces from the West — which, in his telling, prompted him to invade Ukraine — and Beijing’s security concerns in Asia.
He described cooperation between Russia and China as an essential counterweight to a West that is seeking to dominate not just Eastern Europe but also the Asia-Pacific region, and one that is aiming to “contain the development of our countries.”
“It is Russian-Chinese relations that today practically represent the cornerstone of regional, even global stability,” Mr. Putin wrote.
According to a Chinese summary of their meeting at the Kremlin, Mr. Xi told Mr. Putin: “The majority of countries support easing tensions, advocate peace negotiations and oppose pouring oil on the fire. Historically, conflicts must finally be settled through dialogue and negotiations.”
The cautious remarks were in line with the delicate position China has adopted on the war, sympathizing with Russia’s grievances against Western influence and NATO while calling for talks to end the fighting. In keeping with that ambiguity, Mr. Xi has referred to the fighting in Ukraine as a “crisis” or “conflict,” but not as a war or invasion.
If there was any progress on the most closely watched aspect of the summit — whether Mr. Xi could coax Mr. Putin toward serious peace negotiations — there was no evidence of it at the end of the first day. Mr. Putin said only that Russia had “carefully studied” China’s peace proposals, and would treat them “with respect.”
A White House spokesman, John F. Kirby, said, “We’ll see what they come out of this meeting talking about.” Calling the Beijing-Moscow alliance a “marriage of convenience,” he said that arming Russia would run counter to Mr. Xi’s public pronouncements that China wants peace.
For Mr. Putin, Mr. Xi’s visit is also a chance to smooth over tensions tied to the killings of nine Chinese nationals at a gold mine in the Central African Republic, which Mr. Xi has condemned. There are competing claims about who was responsible, but some blame a Russian mercenary group.
Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin’s talks will continue on Tuesday, when they will be joined by broader delegations of government officials. They also plan to address the news media and hold a state banquet that Russian business leaders will attend.
The two men have met some 40 times since Mr. Xi became national leader, but while they cast the partnership as deeper than ever, the war has disrupted their relations, even as it has deepened Russian dependence on China for trade and diplomatic support.
The war has been a source of instability for Beijing, damaging Chinese ties with European countries. It has also magnified global economic and energy strains at a time when Mr. Xi wants to focus on China’s post-pandemic economic rebuilding.
In recent weeks, Mr. Xi has tried to reassert China’s global role after its self-imposed pandemic isolation. Beijing has cast itself as a potential peace broker, hosting talks that led to a significant agreement this month between Saudi Arabia and Iran and issuing its broadly worded 12-point framework for ending the fighting.
Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, has said he would welcome a chance to speak with Mr. Xi, but it is unclear whether the leaders intend to talk.
China’s foreign minister, Qin Gang, spoke by telephone last week with Ukraine’s foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba, and urged Ukraine and Russia to negotiate. “No matter how big the difficulties and challenges, the door should not close to a political solution,” Mr. Qin told him, according to the Chinese Foreign Ministry.
But there are daunting obstacles.
Mr. Putin, in his article Monday, signaled that Russia would entertain talks only if it retained control of captured territory in Ukraine’s east and south. Ukraine’s government has ruled out ceding territory in exchange for peace.
“The first and main point is the capitulation or withdrawal of the Russian occupation troops,” Oleksiy Danilov, the head of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council, said in a statement on Monday.
Neither Russian nor Ukrainian forces have shown any slowdown in the fighting along the sprawling front. Hundreds of soldiers are dying or wounded daily on each side, military analysts say.
Even if China wants to play a role in ending the bloodshed, Mr. Xi is unlikely to put pressure on Mr. Putin that could jeopardize their wider partnership, many analysts say. Mr. Xi regards Beijing’s bond with Moscow as essential to offsetting American global dominance.
“Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-around containment, encirclement and suppression of China,” he declared in a speech this month.
William Klein, a former U.S. diplomat who was based in Beijing, said the visit to Moscow “is very clearly to demonstrate that China does indeed see Russia as an indispensable strategic partner.”
“Whatever China may think of the war, it sees Russia as a key to creating a counterweight to U.S. pressure,” said Mr. Klein, now a consulting partner for FGS Global. “There shouldn’t be any expectation that China will recalibrate its fundamental interests because of this war.”
Loss of firm Russian support could leave China dangerously exposed, Chinese foreign policy experts have argued, even in the wake of Mr. Putin’s invasion.
Yang Jiemian, a senior foreign policy scholar in Shanghai, wrote in an assessment last month that if “Russia is constantly weakened to the point where it cannot, will not, or dare not struggle against the United States and the West, that will ultimately leave China confronting totally unfavorable strategic circumstances.”
Marc Santora contributed reporting from Kyiv, Ukraine, Ivan Nechepurenko from Tbilisi, Georgia, Olivia Wang from Hong Kong, and Michael Crowley and Katie Rogers from Washington.
Valerie Hopkins is an international correspondent for The Times, covering the war in Ukraine, as well as Russia and the countries of the former Soviet Union. @VALERIEinNYT
Chris Buckley is chief China correspondent and has lived in China for most of the past 30 years after growing up in Sydney, Australia. Before joining The Times in 2012, he was a correspondent in Beijing for Reuters. @ChuBailiang
Anton Troianovski is the Moscow bureau chief for The New York Times. He was previously Moscow bureau chief of The Washington Post and spent nine years with The Wall Street Journal in Berlin and New York. @antontroian
Putin and Xi Celebrate Ties Unbroken by Russia’s War in Ukraine
President Vladimir V. Putin welcomed Xi Jinping, China’s top leader, to Russia, briefly noting Beijing’s peace plan for Ukraine but stressing Moscow and Beijing’s enduring partnership.
By Valerie Hopkins, Chris Buckley and Anton Troianovski
Valerie Hopkins reported from Moscow, Chris Buckley from Taipei, Taiwan, and Anton Troianovski from Seoul.
March 20, 2023
5 MIN READ
Leer en español
Standing side by side in a show of partnership unshaken by Russia’s yearlong war in Ukraine, President Vladimir V. Putin and China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, began talks in Moscow on Monday with boasts of their close ties and only understated mention of the conflict itself.
Though the war and the schisms it has exposed hung over the meeting, the public comments about it from Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin were muted, notwithstanding the cascading consequences of the past year, including Western sanctions on Russia, energy crises in Europe and devastation in Ukraine.
Instead, the leaders went to great lengths to flatter each other and project unity in a series of meticulously choreographed events. Mr. Xi is the highest-profile world leader to visit Russia since the invasion, and he arrived for the three-day visit as bloody battles continued in eastern Ukraine and only three days after the Russian leader was cited for war crimes by the International Criminal Court.
The imagery of alliance, in gestures if not a formal treaty, has stoked anxiety in the West that China might go farther than diplomacy or economics in its support for Russia — possibly with weapons for use in Mr. Putin’s war — and entrench a powerful bloc opposed to NATO and the United States.
“Dear friend, welcome to Russia,” Mr. Putin told Mr. Xi, after the Chinese leader was welcomed with a red carpet and a military band.
Mr. Putin told his guest that China was the subject of “envy” because its government had built a “very effective system for developing the economy and strengthening the state.” Mr. Xi expressed “deep gratitude” to Mr. Putin and said he was “sure that the Russian people will certainly continue firmly supporting you,” according to Xinhua.
They sat by a small fireside table, a far more intimate setting than the extremely long room where Mr. Putin held tense meetings with Western leaders before Russia invaded Ukraine.
But behind the display of friendship was a backdrop of hardheaded geopolitics. China and Russia both oppose a global order dominated by the United States and its allies, and that appears to outweigh any objections that Mr. Xi may have about Mr. Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken on Monday criticized the visit, saying it amounts to “diplomatic cover for Russia to continue to commit” war crimes. The international court accused Mr. Putin of being responsible for the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children, and Russian forces continue to target civilian areas.
The trip, Mr. Blinken said, “suggests that China feels no responsibility to hold the president accountable for the atrocities committed in Ukraine.”
Mr. Putin, in an article published in People’s Daily, the main newspaper of China’s ruling Communist Party, drew parallels between the threats that he claims Russia faces from the West — which, in his telling, prompted him to invade Ukraine — and Beijing’s security concerns in Asia.
He described cooperation between Russia and China as an essential counterweight to a West that is seeking to dominate not just Eastern Europe but also the Asia-Pacific region, and one that is aiming to “contain the development of our countries.”
“It is Russian-Chinese relations that today practically represent the cornerstone of regional, even global stability,” Mr. Putin wrote.
According to a Chinese summary of their meeting at the Kremlin, Mr. Xi told Mr. Putin: “The majority of countries support easing tensions, advocate peace negotiations and oppose pouring oil on the fire. Historically, conflicts must finally be settled through dialogue and negotiations.”
The cautious remarks were in line with the delicate position China has adopted on the war, sympathizing with Russia’s grievances against Western influence and NATO while calling for talks to end the fighting. In keeping with that ambiguity, Mr. Xi has referred to the fighting in Ukraine as a “crisis” or “conflict,” but not as a war or invasion.
If there was any progress on the most closely watched aspect of the summit — whether Mr. Xi could coax Mr. Putin toward serious peace negotiations — there was no evidence of it at the end of the first day. Mr. Putin said only that Russia had “carefully studied” China’s peace proposals, and would treat them “with respect.”
A White House spokesman, John F. Kirby, said, “We’ll see what they come out of this meeting talking about.” Calling the Beijing-Moscow alliance a “marriage of convenience,” he said that arming Russia would run counter to Mr. Xi’s public pronouncements that China wants peace.
For Mr. Putin, Mr. Xi’s visit is also a chance to smooth over tensions tied to the killings of nine Chinese nationals at a gold mine in the Central African Republic, which Mr. Xi has condemned. There are competing claims about who was responsible, but some blame a Russian mercenary group.
Mr. Xi and Mr. Putin’s talks will continue on Tuesday, when they will be joined by broader delegations of government officials. They also plan to address the news media and hold a state banquet that Russian business leaders will attend.
The two men have met some 40 times since Mr. Xi became national leader, but while they cast the partnership as deeper than ever, the war has disrupted their relations, even as it has deepened Russian dependence on China for trade and diplomatic support.
The war has been a source of instability for Beijing, damaging Chinese ties with European countries. It has also magnified global economic and energy strains at a time when Mr. Xi wants to focus on China’s post-pandemic economic rebuilding.
In recent weeks, Mr. Xi has tried to reassert China’s global role after its self-imposed pandemic isolation. Beijing has cast itself as a potential peace broker, hosting talks that led to a significant agreement this month between Saudi Arabia and Iran and issuing its broadly worded 12-point framework for ending the fighting.
Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, has said he would welcome a chance to speak with Mr. Xi, but it is unclear whether the leaders intend to talk.
China’s foreign minister, Qin Gang, spoke by telephone last week with Ukraine’s foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba, and urged Ukraine and Russia to negotiate. “No matter how big the difficulties and challenges, the door should not close to a political solution,” Mr. Qin told him, according to the Chinese Foreign Ministry.
But there are daunting obstacles.
Mr. Putin, in his article Monday, signaled that Russia would entertain talks only if it retained control of captured territory in Ukraine’s east and south. Ukraine’s government has ruled out ceding territory in exchange for peace.
“The first and main point is the capitulation or withdrawal of the Russian occupation troops,” Oleksiy Danilov, the head of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council, said in a statement on Monday.
Neither Russian nor Ukrainian forces have shown any slowdown in the fighting along the sprawling front. Hundreds of soldiers are dying or wounded daily on each side, military analysts say.
Even if China wants to play a role in ending the bloodshed, Mr. Xi is unlikely to put pressure on Mr. Putin that could jeopardize their wider partnership, many analysts say. Mr. Xi regards Beijing’s bond with Moscow as essential to offsetting American global dominance.
“Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-around containment, encirclement and suppression of China,” he declared in a speech this month.
William Klein, a former U.S. diplomat who was based in Beijing, said the visit to Moscow “is very clearly to demonstrate that China does indeed see Russia as an indispensable strategic partner.”
“Whatever China may think of the war, it sees Russia as a key to creating a counterweight to U.S. pressure,” said Mr. Klein, now a consulting partner for FGS Global. “There shouldn’t be any expectation that China will recalibrate its fundamental interests because of this war.”
Loss of firm Russian support could leave China dangerously exposed, Chinese foreign policy experts have argued, even in the wake of Mr. Putin’s invasion.
Yang Jiemian, a senior foreign policy scholar in Shanghai, wrote in an assessment last month that if “Russia is constantly weakened to the point where it cannot, will not, or dare not struggle against the United States and the West, that will ultimately leave China confronting totally unfavorable strategic circumstances.”
Marc Santora contributed reporting from Kyiv, Ukraine, Ivan Nechepurenko from Tbilisi, Georgia, Olivia Wang from Hong Kong, and Michael Crowley and Katie Rogers from Washington.
Valerie Hopkins is an international correspondent for The Times, covering the war in Ukraine, as well as Russia and the countries of the former Soviet Union. @VALERIEinNYT
Chris Buckley is chief China correspondent and has lived in China for most of the past 30 years after growing up in Sydney, Australia. Before joining The Times in 2012, he was a correspondent in Beijing for Reuters. @ChuBailiang
Anton Troianovski is the Moscow bureau chief for The New York Times. He was previously Moscow bureau chief of The Washington Post and spent nine years with The Wall Street Journal in Berlin and New York. @antontroian
욕지도[사설]‘西엔 우크라, 東엔 대만’… 習-푸틴 밀착의 검은 그림자
https://www.donga.com/news/Opinion/article/all/20230321/118455765/1
러시아를 방문한 시진핑 중국 국가주석이 블라디미르 푸틴 대통령과 회담을 갖고 양국 간 밀착을 공개 과시했다. 두 정상은 20일 만찬을 겸한 4시간 반의 비공식 회동에 이어 어제 정상회담에서 경제협력을 비롯한 양국관계 강화 방안을 논의했다. 시 주석이 3연임을 확정지은 직후이자 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 장기화로 혼돈스러운 정세가 이어지는 상황에서 두 정상이 만난 것이다.
정상 간 ‘브로맨스’를 앞세운 중국과 러시아의 결속은 미국 중심의 서방 진영에 맞서려는 신냉전의 일환이지만 결국은 서로의 이해관계가 맞아떨어지기 때문이다. 국제사회의 고강도 제재에 직면한 러시아는 중국의 지지와 경제 협력이 절실해진 상황이다. 미국과 패권 경쟁을 벌이는 중국 또한 반미 연대의 우군으로 러시아를 끌어당기고 있다. 중국이 러시아산 원유, 가스를 사들이면서 양국의 교역량은 30% 이상 늘었다. 이제 군사 분야 협력도 본격화할 태세다.
시 주석이 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁의 중재에 나선다지만 성과를 낼지는 의문이다. 중국이 내놓은 12개 조항의 입장문은 구체안 없이 원론적 내용으로 채워져 있다. 서방 진영은 “러시아군 철군 없는 휴전은 우크라이나 영토의 불법 점령을 인정하자는 것”이라고 일축하고 있다. 중국이 되레 러시아에 포탄과 드론 같은 무기를 지원할 가능성도 거론된다. 중국이 중재 시늉만 내다 러시아 지원에 나서면 전쟁 장기화는 물론 서방과의 진영 갈등이 더 격해질 수밖에 없다.
중-러의 결속은 아시아의 안보 뇌관인 대만에까지 영향을 미칠 변수다. 그러잖아도 ‘향후 5년 내 중국의 대만 침공’ 가능성이 제기되는 시점이다. 우크라이나 전황을 예의 주시하고 있는 중국이 미국의 안보우산 제공 의지를 오판하고 대만 점령에 나설 것이란 관측이 나오는 것이다. 만약 이런 우려가 현실화할 경우 우리의 안보나 경제도 직격탄을 맞게 된다. 그 피해는 상상하기도 어렵다.
중-러가 밀착하는 사이 북한이 핵·미사일 능력을 갈수록 고도화하고 있는 것도 심각한 위협 요인이다. 중국과 러시아는 대북 제재를 규정한 유엔 결의안 등을 대놓고 무력화하고 있다. 기본적 국제 규범조차 지키지 않는 권위주의 대국들의 결탁은 그래서 더 불안할 수밖에 없다. 유럽에서 불붙은 무력충돌의 화염이 어느 순간 동북아를 비롯한 다른 지역으로 몰려올지 모를 일이다.
https://www.donga.com/news/Opinion/article/all/20230321/118455765/1
러시아를 방문한 시진핑 중국 국가주석이 블라디미르 푸틴 대통령과 회담을 갖고 양국 간 밀착을 공개 과시했다. 두 정상은 20일 만찬을 겸한 4시간 반의 비공식 회동에 이어 어제 정상회담에서 경제협력을 비롯한 양국관계 강화 방안을 논의했다. 시 주석이 3연임을 확정지은 직후이자 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 장기화로 혼돈스러운 정세가 이어지는 상황에서 두 정상이 만난 것이다.
정상 간 ‘브로맨스’를 앞세운 중국과 러시아의 결속은 미국 중심의 서방 진영에 맞서려는 신냉전의 일환이지만 결국은 서로의 이해관계가 맞아떨어지기 때문이다. 국제사회의 고강도 제재에 직면한 러시아는 중국의 지지와 경제 협력이 절실해진 상황이다. 미국과 패권 경쟁을 벌이는 중국 또한 반미 연대의 우군으로 러시아를 끌어당기고 있다. 중국이 러시아산 원유, 가스를 사들이면서 양국의 교역량은 30% 이상 늘었다. 이제 군사 분야 협력도 본격화할 태세다.
시 주석이 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁의 중재에 나선다지만 성과를 낼지는 의문이다. 중국이 내놓은 12개 조항의 입장문은 구체안 없이 원론적 내용으로 채워져 있다. 서방 진영은 “러시아군 철군 없는 휴전은 우크라이나 영토의 불법 점령을 인정하자는 것”이라고 일축하고 있다. 중국이 되레 러시아에 포탄과 드론 같은 무기를 지원할 가능성도 거론된다. 중국이 중재 시늉만 내다 러시아 지원에 나서면 전쟁 장기화는 물론 서방과의 진영 갈등이 더 격해질 수밖에 없다.
중-러의 결속은 아시아의 안보 뇌관인 대만에까지 영향을 미칠 변수다. 그러잖아도 ‘향후 5년 내 중국의 대만 침공’ 가능성이 제기되는 시점이다. 우크라이나 전황을 예의 주시하고 있는 중국이 미국의 안보우산 제공 의지를 오판하고 대만 점령에 나설 것이란 관측이 나오는 것이다. 만약 이런 우려가 현실화할 경우 우리의 안보나 경제도 직격탄을 맞게 된다. 그 피해는 상상하기도 어렵다.
중-러가 밀착하는 사이 북한이 핵·미사일 능력을 갈수록 고도화하고 있는 것도 심각한 위협 요인이다. 중국과 러시아는 대북 제재를 규정한 유엔 결의안 등을 대놓고 무력화하고 있다. 기본적 국제 규범조차 지키지 않는 권위주의 대국들의 결탁은 그래서 더 불안할 수밖에 없다. 유럽에서 불붙은 무력충돌의 화염이 어느 순간 동북아를 비롯한 다른 지역으로 몰려올지 모를 일이다.
욕지도[사설]‘西엔 우크라, 東엔 대만’… 習-푸틴 밀착의 검은 그림자
https://www.donga.com/news/Opinion/article/all/20230321/118455765/1
러시아를 방문한 시진핑 중국 국가주석이 블라디미르 푸틴 대통령과 회담을 갖고 양국 간 밀착을 공개 과시했다. 두 정상은 20일 만찬을 겸한 4시간 반의 비공식 회동에 이어 어제 정상회담에서 경제협력을 비롯한 양국관계 강화 방안을 논의했다. 시 주석이 3연임을 확정지은 직후이자 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 장기화로 혼돈스러운 정세가 이어지는 상황에서 두 정상이 만난 것이다.
정상 간 ‘브로맨스’를 앞세운 중국과 러시아의 결속은 미국 중심의 서방 진영에 맞서려는 신냉전의 일환이지만 결국은 서로의 이해관계가 맞아떨어지기 때문이다. 국제사회의 고강도 제재에 직면한 러시아는 중국의 지지와 경제 협력이 절실해진 상황이다. 미국과 패권 경쟁을 벌이는 중국 또한 반미 연대의 우군으로 러시아를 끌어당기고 있다. 중국이 러시아산 원유, 가스를 사들이면서 양국의 교역량은 30% 이상 늘었다. 이제 군사 분야 협력도 본격화할 태세다.
시 주석이 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁의 중재에 나선다지만 성과를 낼지는 의문이다. 중국이 내놓은 12개 조항의 입장문은 구체안 없이 원론적 내용으로 채워져 있다. 서방 진영은 “러시아군 철군 없는 휴전은 우크라이나 영토의 불법 점령을 인정하자는 것”이라고 일축하고 있다. 중국이 되레 러시아에 포탄과 드론 같은 무기를 지원할 가능성도 거론된다. 중국이 중재 시늉만 내다 러시아 지원에 나서면 전쟁 장기화는 물론 서방과의 진영 갈등이 더 격해질 수밖에 없다.
중-러의 결속은 아시아의 안보 뇌관인 대만에까지 영향을 미칠 변수다. 그러잖아도 ‘향후 5년 내 중국의 대만 침공’ 가능성이 제기되는 시점이다. 우크라이나 전황을 예의 주시하고 있는 중국이 미국의 안보우산 제공 의지를 오판하고 대만 점령에 나설 것이란 관측이 나오는 것이다. 만약 이런 우려가 현실화할 경우 우리의 안보나 경제도 직격탄을 맞게 된다. 그 피해는 상상하기도 어렵다.
중-러가 밀착하는 사이 북한이 핵·미사일 능력을 갈수록 고도화하고 있는 것도 심각한 위협 요인이다. 중국과 러시아는 대북 제재를 규정한 유엔 결의안 등을 대놓고 무력화하고 있다. 기본적 국제 규범조차 지키지 않는 권위주의 대국들의 결탁은 그래서 더 불안할 수밖에 없다. 유럽에서 불붙은 무력충돌의 화염이 어느 순간 동북아를 비롯한 다른 지역으로 몰려올지 모를 일이다.
https://www.donga.com/news/Opinion/article/all/20230321/118455765/1
러시아를 방문한 시진핑 중국 국가주석이 블라디미르 푸틴 대통령과 회담을 갖고 양국 간 밀착을 공개 과시했다. 두 정상은 20일 만찬을 겸한 4시간 반의 비공식 회동에 이어 어제 정상회담에서 경제협력을 비롯한 양국관계 강화 방안을 논의했다. 시 주석이 3연임을 확정지은 직후이자 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 장기화로 혼돈스러운 정세가 이어지는 상황에서 두 정상이 만난 것이다.
정상 간 ‘브로맨스’를 앞세운 중국과 러시아의 결속은 미국 중심의 서방 진영에 맞서려는 신냉전의 일환이지만 결국은 서로의 이해관계가 맞아떨어지기 때문이다. 국제사회의 고강도 제재에 직면한 러시아는 중국의 지지와 경제 협력이 절실해진 상황이다. 미국과 패권 경쟁을 벌이는 중국 또한 반미 연대의 우군으로 러시아를 끌어당기고 있다. 중국이 러시아산 원유, 가스를 사들이면서 양국의 교역량은 30% 이상 늘었다. 이제 군사 분야 협력도 본격화할 태세다.
시 주석이 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁의 중재에 나선다지만 성과를 낼지는 의문이다. 중국이 내놓은 12개 조항의 입장문은 구체안 없이 원론적 내용으로 채워져 있다. 서방 진영은 “러시아군 철군 없는 휴전은 우크라이나 영토의 불법 점령을 인정하자는 것”이라고 일축하고 있다. 중국이 되레 러시아에 포탄과 드론 같은 무기를 지원할 가능성도 거론된다. 중국이 중재 시늉만 내다 러시아 지원에 나서면 전쟁 장기화는 물론 서방과의 진영 갈등이 더 격해질 수밖에 없다.
중-러의 결속은 아시아의 안보 뇌관인 대만에까지 영향을 미칠 변수다. 그러잖아도 ‘향후 5년 내 중국의 대만 침공’ 가능성이 제기되는 시점이다. 우크라이나 전황을 예의 주시하고 있는 중국이 미국의 안보우산 제공 의지를 오판하고 대만 점령에 나설 것이란 관측이 나오는 것이다. 만약 이런 우려가 현실화할 경우 우리의 안보나 경제도 직격탄을 맞게 된다. 그 피해는 상상하기도 어렵다.
중-러가 밀착하는 사이 북한이 핵·미사일 능력을 갈수록 고도화하고 있는 것도 심각한 위협 요인이다. 중국과 러시아는 대북 제재를 규정한 유엔 결의안 등을 대놓고 무력화하고 있다. 기본적 국제 규범조차 지키지 않는 권위주의 대국들의 결탁은 그래서 더 불안할 수밖에 없다. 유럽에서 불붙은 무력충돌의 화염이 어느 순간 동북아를 비롯한 다른 지역으로 몰려올지 모를 일이다.
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갈취 착취 이용하고
부귀영화를 누린다.
교회는 사기를 위한 범죄소굴이다.
예수를
부활 승천 천국 재림 심판 구원등 신격화 하고
유일신을 강요하며
사후세계인 구원 영생 천당 면제부를
팔아먹는다.
기독교는
귀신팔이 장사이고 기업이다.
성경교리는 수단이고
하나님과 예수는 상품이고
구원 영생 천당 면제부는 포장이고
교회는 범죄소굴이고
목사는 신도를 갈쥐 착취 이용하여
부귀영화와 명예 권력을 누리는 사기꾼이다.
교회는 이익집단이다.
목사에게 교회는 천국이다.
기독교 교회는 다단계와 같다.
사람들을 데려다 세뇌시켜 갈취한다.
기독교는 마약이고
교회는 마약하는 장소다.
신도를 갈취 착취 이용하기 위해
정교하게 잘 다둠어진 도구인
기독교 성경교리를 이용하여
신도들을 세뇌 마취 중독시켜 좀비로 만든다.
목사가 시키는데로 하도록
꼭두각시로 만든다.
목사는
조물주 유일신 하나님 예수
천당 지옥 천벌 악마 마귀등
축복과 저주 악담 공포 협박을 일삼아
사람들이 여기에 한번 걸려들면
빠져나오기 힘들다.
특히 약하고 마음이 여린
여성 노인 어린이 장애인등 약자들은
의지할 곳과 위안 위료가 필요하고
이런 약점을 이용하여
소속감과 안점감을 주면서
이탈을 막기위해 공포와 협박를 가하여
시키는데로 하게되어 위험에 빠진다.
돈뺏기고 몸뺏기고 범죄에 이용당하고
노동착취 당한다.
결국 종이되고 노예가 된다.
교회가면
목사는 세치혀로 설교를 통해
세뇌 기도 주문 췌면 마취 중독 망상 맹신
심취 환영 환상 환각 환미등
착각에 빠지게 만들고 심리지배와 구르밍하여
하나님 예수등 귀신팔이 한다.
이렇게 만들어진 심리지배를 통하여
갈취 착취 이용하고
부귀영화를 누린다.
교회는 사기를 위한 범죄소굴이다.
예수를
부활 승천 천국 재림 심판 구원등 신격화 하고
유일신을 강요하며
사후세계인 구원 영생 천당 면제부를
팔아먹는다.
기독교는
귀신팔이 장사이고 기업이다.
성경교리는 수단이고
하나님과 예수는 상품이고
구원 영생 천당 면제부는 포장이고
교회는 범죄소굴이고
목사는 신도를 갈쥐 착취 이용하여
부귀영화와 명예 권력을 누리는 사기꾼이다.
교회는 이익집단이다.
목사에게 교회는 천국이다.
기독교 교회는 다단계와 같다.
사람들을 데려다 세뇌시켜 갈취한다.
기독교는 마약이고
교회는 마약하는 장소다.
신도를 갈취 착취 이용하기 위해
정교하게 잘 다둠어진 도구인
기독교 성경교리를 이용하여
신도들을 세뇌 마취 중독시켜 좀비로 만든다.
목사가 시키는데로 하도록
꼭두각시로 만든다.
목사는
조물주 유일신 하나님 예수
천당 지옥 천벌 악마 마귀등
축복과 저주 악담 공포 협박을 일삼아
사람들이 여기에 한번 걸려들면
빠져나오기 힘들다.
특히 약하고 마음이 여린
여성 노인 어린이 장애인등 약자들은
의지할 곳과 위안 위료가 필요하고
이런 약점을 이용하여
소속감과 안점감을 주면서
이탈을 막기위해 공포와 협박를 가하여
시키는데로 하게되어 위험에 빠진다.
돈뺏기고 몸뺏기고 범죄에 이용당하고
노동착취 당한다.
결국 종이되고 노예가 된다.
theknitting안녕하세요^^
읽기 권한 설정을 로그인 사용자로 해도 로그아웃 상태에서 보여집니다.
어떤 설정을 해야 하나요?
읽기 권한 설정을 로그인 사용자로 해도 로그아웃 상태에서 보여집니다.
어떤 설정을 해야 하나요?
각 글꼴마다 장단점이 있어서 저희가 다른 글꼴 다 시도해보고 현재 글꼴로 정착을 했습니다.
이제 시스템 보완을 해서 중단되지 않도록 했습니다.
고맙습니다. 요청사항이 있으면 언제든지 연락 주세요.